A Semiotic Analysis Of Diesel Print Ads

A Semiotic Analysis Of Diesel Print Ads

Merris Griffiths

Traditionally, it is believed that semiological analysis was pioneered by two men : the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure [1857-1913] and American philosopher Charles Saunders Peirce [1839-1914] [Berger [1982], cited in Boyd-Barrett, 1987 : 133]. On the most basic level, Peirce constructed a triangular model to illustrate the interaction between what he termed sign-object-interpretant. In this context, a 'sign' refers to anything from which meaning is generated. Saussure, meanwhile, saw the sign as a physical object with meaning, consisting of what he termed the signifier and the signified. The signifier is a term for the sign itself; the image as we, the audience, perceive it. The signified, in contrast, refers to the mental concept, which is said to be broadly common to all members of the same culture, who share the same language [Fiske, 1990 : 43]. Perhaps the most famous definition of what semiotics comprises is offered by Saussure, who wrote :

We can therefore imagine a science which would study the life of signs within society... We call it semiology, form the Greek semion ['sign']. It would teach us what signs consist of, what laws govern them. Since it does not yet exist we cannot say what it will be, but it has a right to existence; its place is assured in advance. [in Fiske, 1990 : 51/2]

Before embarking upon a semiotic analysis of any kind, I feel that it is first appropriate to discuss some of the most basic concepts of semiotics, and to become familiar with the usage of jargon in this notoriously technical field of media theory. The framework of semiotics can be summarised into three main areas of study as follows :

• The sign itself. This consists of the study of different varieties of signs, of the different way that these signs convey meaning, and of the way they relate to the people who use them. For signs are human constructs and can only be understood in terms of the uses people put them to.

• The codes or systems into which signs are organised; that to which the sign refers. This study covers the ways that a variety of codes have developed in order to meet the needs of a society or culture, or to exploit the channels of communication available for their transmission.

• The culture within which these codes and signs operate; the users of the sign. This in turn depends on the use of these codes and signs for its own existence and form. 
  [Fiske, 1990 : 40]

It thus becomes clear that semiotics seems to define a form of social interaction that places the individual as a member within the wider social spectrum. The actual message therefore refers to the way in which a construction of signs produce meanings as a direct result of their interaction with the receivers, as Peirce's triangular model illustrates. The main emphasis is placed on how a text is 'read', implying that reading is the process of discovering meanings that can only occur when the individual negotiates or interacts with the text. As Fiske [1990 : 3] stresses, negotiation takes place as the reader utilises aspects of his/her own cultural experience to understand the codes and signs that make up the text. The various aspects of so-called 'decoding' or 'meaning making' are divided into specific categories that combine to form the frame for a comprehensive semiotic analysis of any text.

Initially, Saussure defined two ways in which signs, or units of meaning, can be organised into codes. He coined the term paradigm to refer to a sign that forms a member of a defining category [Chandler, WWW]; a set of signs from which the one to be used is chosen. The set of shapes for road signs, as one example, forms a paradigm, as does the set of symbols that may be found within each shape [Fiske, 1990 : 56]. Saussure further used the term syntagm to refer to the orderly combination of interacting signs with a meaningful whole [Chandler, WWW]; the message into which the chosen signs are combined. Fiske summarises this distinction by observing that all messages involve an amount of selection [from the paradigm] and combination [into a syntagm]. From these primary distinctions evolve two forms of structural relationship : paradigmatic, a relationship of choice, and syntagmatic, a relationship of combination. If a relationship exists, therefore, it is inevitable that a process of formal analysis is possible. Hence, syntagmatic analysis gives an overview of a media text as a narrative sequence or as a sequence of signs, while paradigmatic analysis studies patterns other than those classed as sequential, within that media text [Chandler, WWW]. From this distinction, two further terms emerge to explain the meanings generated in a particular text. Metaphor is the term used when an unfamiliar concept is expressed in terms of a familiar concept, regarded by Fiske as a paradigmatic dimension of semiotics. Metonymy, on the other hand, is the term used to describe the invocation of an object or idea using an associative detail; a syntagmatic dimension, according to Fiske [Chandler, WWW].

Semiotic analysis further begins to expand into a terminological distinction between two different types of meaning. Denotation is the term used when dealing with the 'first order' of signification generated by the signifier and the signified [Chandler, WWW]; the initial, common-sense and obvious meaning of the sign [Fiske, 1990 : 85]. Hall [cited in Chandler, WWW] regards this as the 'literal' meaning of a sign. Connotation, on the other hand, refers to the 'second order' of signification. Hall views this as the 'associative' meaning, since it describes the interaction that occurs when a sign meets the feelings or emotions of the users and the values of their culture [Fiske, 1990 : 86]. Based on the ideas of Pierce, the term 'connotation' can be further divided into three more subtle types of sign, as follows : iconic sign, as one that resembles the signified; symbolic sign, as one depending on individual connotation; indexical sign, as one having associations and inherent connections. Barthes [1977], in attempting to effectively illustrate the difference between denotation and connotation, argues that the distinction between the two is clear in medium of photography. He sees denotation as the mechanical reproduction on film of the object at which the camera is pointing. He sees connotation, on the other hand, as the individualised aspect of the process - the selection of what to include in the frame, the use of focus, camera angle, lighting etc. Basically, denotation becomes the term for what is being photographed, while connotation refers to how it is being captured on film [Fiske : 1990 : 86].

Finally, on this technical level, it is essential to be aware of the concept of codes as a set of principles that are dynamic. Codes are difficult to perceive because they are characteristically pervasive, specific and clear-cut, to a point where they are almost invisible [Boyd-Barrett, 1987 : 150]. They are historically and socio-culturally situated, and further divide into two sub-categories - the broadcast code, in which the audience is wider and cliché is more obviously employed, and the narrowcast code, in which the audience is more limited since the principles used are more subtle [Chandler, WWW]. Intertextuality, a concept first introduced by the post-structuralist Julia Kristeva [Chandler, WWW], is also a consideration, since it is the norm that media texts should exist in relation to others. It is therefore reasonable, as Thomas Sebeok suggests, to accept the value of semiotics as :

The pivotal branch of the integrated science of communication ... concerned with the formulation and encoding of messages by sources, the transmission of these messages through channels, the decoding and interpretation of these messages by destinations, and their signification. [in Blonsky, 1985 : 451]

For the purpose of this assignment, I have chosen to attempt a semiotic analysis of the printed advertisements for the Diesel Jeans and Workwear Clothing Company. Generally, in the world of advertising as a whole, there is continuous pressure to create adverts that are increasingly more in the image of audience motives and desires. The actual product has come to matter less as audience participation increases, so there is a need to include audience experience within the adverts [McLuhan, 1964 : 226]. Fiske [1990 : 103] stresses that advertisers take advantage of the technical scope of photography to 'insert' or 'superimpose' objects in one syntagm onto another, to create something new and imaginatively striking. Functionally, the expectation of a reward from the product is the primary basis for effect, though as McQuail observes [1987 : 294] there may be other bases for appeal, such as symbolic coercion [appeal to fear or anxiety], referent power [endorsement by stars etc.], authority [use by experts], and even appeals to deeper psychological motivations. Ray [1973], cited in McQuail, believes there is generally a balance between the processes of cognition, attitude formation and behaviour change, though this balance may be variable.

Ultimately, of course, the underlying philosophy behind advertising is commercial. The genre itself implies the practices of buying and selling in an economic market, while advertising discourses enable audiences to negotiate the roles of consumer, employee and citizen. As Jensen [1995 : 66] stresses, there is historical research available that documents this multi-step semiosis of advertising, circulating commodities as well as conceptions of society, derived from the work of Barthes [1957/73], Berger [1972], and Schudson [1984]. As Jensen proceeds to note, both Raymond Williams and Michael Schudson have referred to advertising as constitutive of a widespread cultural practice - the art of capitalism [Williams, 1992] and 'capitalism's way of saying "I love you" to itself' [Schudson, 1984]. McLuhan [1964 : 230] further states that the Graphic Revolution has shifted our culture away from the private ideals of 'point-of-view' corporate images, in that photographs and television seduce us to the more complex world of the group icon. Fiske [1990 : 93] also notes that there is now a move towards more surrealist, metaphorical advertising.

So how does the Diesel Company figure in this brief overview of the advertising world? The company is based in Northern Italy, and embarked upon its Successful Living campaign in 1991. A new magazine advertisement is devised every fortnight, and there are fifty-seven such adverts to date. Diesel, however, runs no ordinary advertising campaign. For the majority of companies who advertise globally, it is the norm to target certain policies that will appeal to specific countries. Unusually, Diesel advertisements remain the same world-wide. This has been justified simply by their Art Director, Joakim Jonason, who states "a person is the same all over the world" [Sky Magazine, May 1996]. He goes on to stress the underlying philosophy of the whole advertising campaign thus : "The campaign is a satire on the whole advertising business ... At its worst, advertising is full of empty promises". The company's International Advertising Director, Maurizio Marchiori, concludes by stating : "We decided to play a little with the irony around the big problems of life". As far as the main target audience is concerned, Diesel place their adverts in glossy monthly magazines, such as Sky Magazine and The Face. Such magazines are purchased predominantly by so-called 'trendy' people; those who are interested in the latest fashions, inspiring and arty photography, the club culture, and modern urban life. It may therefore be reasonable to suggest that their eye-catching and often bizarre advertisements, filled with saturated colour, are designed to be appreciated by people who are themselves a little eccentric and thrive on non-conformist behaviour!

Let us now turn to some examples of advertisements that have often been condemned as subversive, to semiotically analyse their content and assess just how effective this uncouth approach to advertising really is. Berger [1982], cited in Boyd-Barrett [1987 : 153], recommends that a framework be adopted before any medium can be effectively analysed semiotically, and his framework is later modified by Chandler [WWW]. I propose to follow just such a pattern here, concentrating on the important signifiers and what they signify, the syntagmatic structure of the text, paradigmatic features, semiotic codes and intertextuality :

The form [or signifier] of Fig. 1 is so very striking simply because one would never expect to see old age pensioners revealed in such a way! They are all evenly tanned and stand, worshipping the sun, in an enclosed concrete and metal area, surrounded by sun-beds that tan artificially. Their needs are tended by a man who looks rather like a waiter; he holds what appears to be a bucket of oil and a large brush. The 'Diesel people' [the two young people who wear the actual clothes] have their backs to this rather grotesque scene. The signified concept emerges slowly, as one begins to ponder the intention of the company. The pensioners all stand uniformly and hold the same bland facial expressions, in stark contrast with their garish swim-wear. They all seem to be conforming in worship to some unknown god and are rather like cloned zombies. The Diesel people, in contrast, are placed away from the sterility of the other characters; they have personality and individuality. This contrast alone works in favour of the clothes, since it connotes that Diesel provide an effective means of proving one's individuality, associatively linking these clothes with the more powerful, courageous personality; one who is willing to break the shackles of conformity in preference for free expression. This notion can also be syntagmatically seen within the narrative sequence of the text, since the unit comprising of the pensioners and their environment is off-set against the Diesel unit. In the former, the people are uniform, the sun-beds are placed equidistant from one another and run in the same direction; in the latter, the people are physically relaxed and sit differently, while the bench they sit on is placed at a distinct angle and they remain uninvolved with the ritual behind them.

Yet the issues are widened still further, if one considers the advertisement in terms of the system in which it operates. The Western world places a great deal of pressure on the 'body-beautiful', offering ideals of the most desirable physique and appearance. Here, however, Diesel are very brutal in showing that the body will not last forever. They raise questions about what one has left, if one spends one's life cultivating the outside at the expense of one's inner character. They imply that one should mark one's individuality in youth, with the help of their clothing; a notion emphasised by the way in which the Diesel woman looks directly and commandingly into the camera. The advertisement also raises questions about race, in that the pensioners spend their time trying to blacken their skins, while society at large will reject the naturally dark skin of a black person. This seems to connote just how artificial the modern world can be, with its sun-beds and obsession with image. Paradigmatically, therefore, a number of paired oppositions arise. Youth is pitted against age; black against white; uniformity against individuality. Basically, this leads to a central opposition of the differing outlooks, attitudes and styles that exist within society, illustrated here by those who wear Diesel clothes and those who do not.

All these issues produce a profound impact upon the audience. Psychologically, the image of the pensioners is so grotesque that one feels compelled to avoid such a fate. One feels drawn towards the reassuring confidence of the Diesel people. Ironic paradox, rather typical of Diesel advertising tactics, arises from the fact that one is subconsciously drawn to the idea of youth as much as towards the idea of wearing a certain make of clothing, so ultimately sustaining the pressures upon the 'body-beautiful', instantly undermining the validity of the debate they raise here! Socially, the advertisement is effective in showing how there is often a lack of integration between different age groups, and this is rather threatening with regards an acceptable level of social cohesion. Politically, questions are raised not only about race, but also about the environment, with contemporary concerns about ozone depletion and a rise in recorded cases of skin cancer. The audience is rather limited since the codes are narrowcast. The older generations are satirised and consequently excluded, with emphasis placed on young people who 'know best' and thrive on self-expression. Since the audience is specifically 'young', it would not be impossible to visualise this text in a genre such as music video; it is certainly bizarre and garish enough. However, I feel strongly that any change in medium would undermine the whole point of a static image. This advertisement is effective as a direct result of the fact that the pensioners are inanimate; their conformity is undeniable. Also, the camera is actually able to capture a sense of movement in the Diesel people, since the man does not seem prepared for the picture to be taken; little is lost through this static image. Meaning is neatly condensed into an enclosed set, as is typical of still photographs, and departs from the dominant cultural value of wisdom coming only with age.

Fig.2 is a second striking advertisement. The signifier is basically a group of pigs, looking rather like a family, seated around a generously laden table, while the Diesel person stands in attendance and looking rather amused. It is important to note that this particular advertisement was in print around the Christmas and New Year celebrations of 1995, accentuating the main signified concept of the deadly sin of gluttony. The very connotation derived from this image of pigs symbolically emphasises how humans always 'eat like pigs' at this festive time. The fact that there is a cooked pig in the centre of the table, illustrates how humans have very little regard for others when it comes to their own self-indulgence. Socially, the images used only make sense to us because we live in a world filled with greed, while the main paired oppositions emerge because we continually try to ignore the great chasm between rich and poor; affluence and poverty, or even good and bad. Paradigmatically, capitalism and its consequences becomes the main opposition in the text, visually expressed through the indexically paired opposition of animal and human, and the lavish gold decoration of the background scene, connoting wealth. In contrast with my assessment of Fig.1, I feel that a change of medium would greatly enhance the effects generated in this advertisement. To use animated pigs and sound-effects would effectively emphasise the stomach churning gluttony of the scenario and the 'piggish' behaviour of the diners [as in the computer generated feature-film 'Babe'], juxtaposed by the lavish and tasteful backdrop of a Merchant Ivory costume drama production, with its stately-home elegance.

Syntagmatically, I find the text both fascinating and rich in its different layers. The position of the pigs around the table forms one, closed-circle shot, while the Diesel person forms a second shot that gives an overview of the first with an inward gaze. Within the first shot is the more subtle detail of pigs surrounding a pig. This seems to me a physical representation of the way in which society at large [the Diesel person] views the select few [the affluent pigs] and their despicable behaviour [greedily devouring one of their own]. The expression on the face of the Diesel person works well to undermine the driving forces of commercialism, since she is mildly amused, while her entire frame is empowered by being elevated in height above the pigs and shown in its entirety. The audience is broadcast in this instance, since even the wealthy would recognise this cliché interpretation of their lifestyle, while Christmas-time over-indulgence is something that we have all experienced at some point in our lives! It certainly makes [Westernised] cultural assumptions that we are all aware of how the rich [supposedly] live, so reflecting the dominant value that the affluent always 'eat like pigs'. It is important to note that, once more, the Diesel person is set aside from the crowd in both her clothes and attitude, to suggest that this is a clothing company offering consumers something a little different; a certain kind of self-knowledge and social awareness.

I find Fig.3 hysterically funny in the tremendous chaos generated with the sight of a naked, unnaturally muscular male body! A group of middle-aged, upper-to-middle class women totally lose control, casting aside any sense of propriety and dignity, when their air-steward delivers their drinks in what appears to be, judging by the leg-room, the business class section of an aeroplane. Indeed, the angle of the aeroplane further emphasises that everything is in disarray, as lust becomes the main driving force; deranged facial expressions and contorted body-forms connote the uncontrollability of the women. While this destruction occurs, the Diesel people characteristically remain detached from the action, turning their backs on the scene. The very form and composition of the photograph ensures that the audience recognise the signified concept. While the middle-aged women, without exception, all reach in to the centre of the picture towards their object of lust, closing in on their prey like predatory animals, the Diesel people reach towards the light coming in from the window; their facial expressions emphasising their need to escape from such debase activity; the tears streaming down their faces are further indicative of their distress. Once more, Diesel are selling themselves as a non-conformist clothing company who offer escape for those willing to break from convention.

I feel that this advertisement raises political questions concerning sexual harassment in the workplace. This is achieved through reverse cliché, since it is usually affluent middle-aged men, travelling business class, who lech over female air hostesses. The text seems to be shaped by offering two individual lifestyles, and offering the audience a choice of which they would rather belong to. Again, a number of paired oppositions emerge, to include good and bad, young and old[er], men and women, women and women, and friends and rivals. The light and dark opposition, created by the subtle use of lighting, is suggestive of Heaven and Hell. While the older women become closed in, shadowed and rather demonic, the Diesel women reach towards the warmth of a golden light in an angelic fashion. The same effect is achieved by the tilt of the aeroplane, as the Diesel women become elevated and more spiritual. This notion can be connected with the questions raised in Fig.1, concerning the importance of inner development over outer appearance. The confined atmosphere of the aeroplane set is effective in condensing the meaning that is generated from a still picture that is shot so cleverly it is easy to imagine the noise and chaos of the scenario.

The codes here are narrowcast, since the satire works to the exclusion of both middle-aged women and younger men; the Diesel women are seen, however subtly, as superior. The sense of movement and action is shared with the media of film and television. The indignity of women of this age is reminiscent of the American super-soaps Dallas and Dynasty, while the comic aspect of their behaviour is satirised in the BBC comedy Absolutely Fabulous or the spoof disaster Airplane movies! Diesel use their models carefully, since they must be suitably created to guard against any exclusion within the audience targeted by the advertisements. In this case, they use a white model and a half-case black model. They hold hands and seem to support one another, so they open the possibility of a cross-cultural lesbian relationship. Their place within the preferred reading of the text is to connote that it is better to be subtly sexy rather then blatantly lustful. All these suggestions are neatly tied in with the Diesel philosophy that wearing their clothes will make you a better person; that they can rise you above the common crowd and vest you with a special kind of individuality.

Fig.4 captures both men and women co-existing within the typical male domain of a Formula One motor-racing team. All units within the picture interact, since the characters mingle together and form a circle around the car. Diesel seem to work very strongly with the concept of empowerment, since this scene implies that the women are only able to function in this male environment as a result of the clothes they wear. With regards the concept of the 'women-at-work', they are vested with as much power as the men. The stances they adopt are traditionally regarded as masculine, signified by the props they hold - one of the Diesel woman holds a 'finish-flag' while another brandishes an electric drill. Yet the concept is more expansive than simply to connote how women are just as capable as men, since there is an undeniable element of sexuality and female sexual power. Superficially, this is signified by the woman who drapes herself adoringly over the shoulder of the grotesque dwarf driver, and by the woman just out of focus at the right of the frame, who is shot to look 'racy' with her hair blowing and her cleavage showing! More symbolically, the notion of women in command over men is syntagmatically emphasised through use of perspective; the head height of all the women is consistently elevated over that of their male counterparts, while the text [when read from left to right] opens with men but finishes with a woman, to connote that women are increasing in their prominence.